Cantors Assembly Journal of Synagogue Music

• Cantors Assembly • December 1982 • Kislev 5741 • Vol XII • No 2 •

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JOURNAL OF SVNAGOGLE MUSIC

Articles:

Who Become Clergymen?

Samuel Vigoda's "Legendary Voices"

Psalmody

The Torah Reading Program
at Congregation Adath Jeshuren

Jack H. Bloom 3

Max Wohlberg 30

Joseph A. Levine 34

Charles Davidson 43

Departments
Book Review

Encounter of East

and West in Music, Hanoch Avinery

Music Section

Lider Zamelbukh, M. Shalit

Max Wohlberg 49

JOURNAL OF SYNAGOGUE MUSIC, Volume XII Number 2

December 1982/ Kislev 5743

Abraham Lubin

editor: Samuel Rosenbaum

EDITORIAL BOARD: Lawrence Avery, Ben Belfer, Jack Chomsky,
Baruch Cohort, Charles Davidson, Solomon Epstein, Saul Meisels,
Solomon Mendelson, Chaim Najman, Moses J. Silverman, Hyman
Sky, Pinchas Spiro, David Tilman.

business board: Israel Barzak, Robert Kieval, Martin Leubitz,
Sheldon Levin, Yehuda Mandel, Bruce Wetzler

OFFICERS OF THE CANTORS ASSEMBLY: Abraham Shapiro, President;
Ivan Perlman, Vice President; Saul Hammerman, Treasurer; Harry
Weinberg, Secretary; Samuel Rosenbaum, Executive Vice President.

journal of synagogue music is a semi-annualpublication. The
subscription fee is $12.50 per year. All articles, communications and
subscriptions should be addressed to Journal of Synagogue Music,
Cantors Assembly. 1.50 Fifth Avenue, New York 10011.

Copyright © 1982, Cantors Assembly

WHO BECOME CLERGYMEN?

Introduction

hlonseigneur E. Robert Arthur, the tall, baldish Canon lawyer who was one of
Cardinal O' Boyle's closest advisers, put his fingers in the stiff, white collar around
his neck and said, "As long as I'm wearing this collar, people will listen to what
I say, but without it in two weeks I'm just another guy.'"

The idea that clergy are different from the rest of the population is strong-
ly held in Western religion. A clergyman is a different kind of person, "a
member of the third sex."l Religions affirm this difference by requiring celi-
bacy, or at least a different kind of sexual morality from that of the laity; by
ordaining instead of invariably requiring graduation of their trainees; by
suggesting that poverty may be a blessing and worldly goods a temptation; by
asking them to be prophets; and by affirming that the ministry is basically
different from all other callings in that those in it are there because they have
heard a divine call. "The medical doctor may have greater status, the attorney

* The Rev. Thomas J. Fleming. ■•Confrontation in Washington-The Cardinal versus the
Dissenters." New York Times Magazine, Nov. 24, 1968. Copyright © 1968 by The New
York Times Company. Reprinted by permission.

JACK H. BLOOM, who served as rabbi of Congregation Beth El, Fairfield, Conn., for ten
years, is a candidate for a Ph.D. in clinical psychology at Teachers College, Columbia
Universitv. He recentlv returned from a year spent at the Hadassah Medical Center in
Jerusalem. He has written on the role of the rabbi and on his own participation in the

may be more feared, but the clergyman is expected to be more wholly other.
His motivations are expected to be more noble, his calling more sacred, his
thoughts more pure, his life more dedicated, his sacrifices more generous."*

Rubenstein has pointed to this sense of differentness: "Religion abounds
in paradoxes not the least of which is the peculiar combination of arrogance
and humility which so frequently marks the religious leader. He is in his own
eyes privy to secrets unavailable to the multitude. He is also depressed by his
own infinite lack of worth for the high charge that rests upon him. Above all,
he is lonely and set apart as are no other men. As a Catholic priest he may
never know the most important single role available to men, that of father
of a family; as a rabbi the clergyman is frequently forced to fulfill expecta-
tions of ritual behavior demanded by his community as binding upon him
but not upon them. Seldom, if ever, is the clergyman able to relax and feel
that he can be himself with his people. "3

That the clergy are a deviant group in American culture has been sug-
gested by a great many observers.4 Booth says that "it is a priori unlikely that
the psychodynamics of the well functioning secular population would be the
same as those of the well functioning clerical population." 5 Though there has
been a tendency in our society, often on the part of ministers and clergymen
themselves, to deny any differentness and to affirm the normality and the un-
deviant nature of the clergy ,6 the evidence seems to point in the other direc-
tion. Bier tried to show the normality and adjustment of the clergy in his well
controlled work with the MMPI but his conclusions read in the opposite di-
rection. He has since then affirmed that the clergy are "the most deviant por-
tion of an already deviant population [college and graduate school men] ."7
Though clergymen most vociferously object to "being treated as different
from other people; being placed on a pedestal; expected to do things not
expected of others; or being restricted in behavior; and to the general feeling
of being something different .of being men of the third sex," 1 vet the fact
remains that they have placed themselves in a situation where they are seen
in exactly this way. This sense of differentness and otherness has endless ref-
erences in the literature. It is a part of the underlying cultural orientation of

Western religions toward their clergy. If this is indeed so, the question that
we must ask is: Why do men choose such roles, and what is there unique about
them that makes them decide to become clergymen?

That vocational choice is to a significant degree determined by personality
and may represent a means of conflict resolution is a theory held by both
those whose main work has been in the psychology of occupations, 8 those
whose emphasis has been in direct work with the clergy ,9 and those who have
tried to relate the two. 10 It is hypothesized that there is a relationship be-
tween personality and occupational choice. This relationship may be ex-
pressed consciously or unconsciously. It may be seen as the implementation
of the self-concept" or the choice may be made because of the need to resolve
certain drives. 12 Booth has pointed out that "what Freud observed about the
relationship between infantile trauma and neurosis holds equally true for
the relationship between childhood milieu and vocation."" No matter
whether we are speaking of self-concepts, needs, or unresolved infantile
traumata, we are speaking about personality, and so one might expect that
certain specific types would be attracted by different vocations. Indeed, not
only are different personality patterns found among those in various oc-
cupational groups, but persons of specific personality types seem to be at-
tracted to certain vocations.

Religion has also been seen as related to personality needs. Since Freud,
many have seen religion as a phenomenon based on neurotic security needs
within the individual. Freud suggested that religion is an attempt to resolve
some of the traumata and insecurities experienced in childhood. 13 It does
this by recreating man's childhood father on a higher level. The God who is
created is thus a fantasy father figure who helps us out with many of the prob-
lems of guilt and aggression, sex and ego. Religion is seen as one response to a
variety of frustrations. These frustrations may be natural, destructive forces
from the outer world, decay of the body or the suppression of instinctive de-
sires such as sex, aggression, and ego needs by the civilization. The inter-
nalization of these restraints, with the help of the superego, has created prob-
lems that man resolves through the medium of religion. Others have picked

up on Freud's idea of the conflict between the superego and the instincts and
emphasized particularly the sexual and aggressive drives." Flugel pointed
out that this conflict is relieved by projection of the sugerego, which now
appears as God. 15 Ranck, Broen, Rokeach, and others have pointed to the
relationship of personality and religious positions of various sorts.'" Which-
ever theory one adopts, religion and personality seem to be deeply involved.
Religion may be seen as one of the most direct expressions of the way in
which man resolves many of his ultimate conflicts.

Certainly between them, vocation and religion both would seem to have a
great deal to do with personality. One might then hypothesize that the men
who become religious professionals, who enter a world of differentness and
otherness, do so because of some strong personality determinants that may
differentiate them from the rest of the population. If this is so, if this is not
a myth, then there is something different about these men.

The purpose of this paper will be to try to review the literature investi-
gating personality dimensions of the clergy. Both the theories and the re-
search done on the personality correlates and other work that may shed light
on them will be reviewed to see if there are differential personality character-
istics. Such leads may suggest future directions for investigation and hypotheses
worth checking out. We may begin to clarify whether this differentness is a
myth or has some basis in the personality of the men who become our clergy.

Some methodological problems and assumptions

Concern with personality factors of men in the clergy has grown greatly in
recent years. McCarthy in 1942 noted that there was no literature to speak of
on the subject. "The writer is unable to locate any competent study of the
problem of personality testing among Divinity students."" Most of the in-
formation he obtained came from letters that deans and heads of theological
schools all over the country were kind enough to send him. At that time he
reports that there was only one personality study of divinity school students
that had been made by a large Protestant church group anxious to test its

applicants for places in the foreign mission field. Those first results suggested
that applicants for mission work tended to be more emotionally unstable than
the average person. What there was of the early work seems to have been mo-
tivated polemically; it either attacked or defended the clergy. The writing
of that genre may be best characterized by two articles that appeared in 19 3 6.
Abrams, in an article satirical at best and hostile at worst, pointed to the
"sickness" of the clergy on the basis of evidence "compiled from a Who's
Who." Entitled "Psychic Satisfactions of the Clergy," the article pointed to
such satisfactions as "selected by committee of Tennessee preachers to affirm
the scripturalness of instrumental music in church worship in a debate lasting
five nights" or "gospel singer since the age of 5, preacher since the age of
9. "18 What this proved beyond the author's hostility is questionable. Strange
to say, the Abrams article was dignified by appearance in the Journal of Ab-
normal and Social Psychology. The second 1936 article, by Thomas Verner
Moore, which achieved only a place in the A meri can Ecclesiastical Review,
made a serious attempt to investigate the incidence of the rate of insanity
and the possibilities of detecting pre-psychotics among priests and religious
brothers and sisters. 19 In 1964, the U.S. Department of Health, Education,
and Welfare Bibliography on Religion and Mental Health reported that
during the four years before there were at least sixty-three references to the
psychological screening and mental health of the clergy alone."' Among the
more than 700 articles listed in this bibliography, many of the others dealt in
a roundabout way with personality correlates of the clergy.

The field has not been without problems. One of the first of them is the
question: Who is a clergyman? It seems self-evident that a clergyman is any-
one in religious work. But it is not so simple. "The clergy" includes a rather
broad spectrum of people who in truth are doing quite a variety of jobs. A
clergyman can be a teaching brother in a high school, a full-time rabbi, a week-
end minister in a Revivalist Church, a religious educator, a missionary, a writer
of books on prayer, a seminary registrar, a principal in a religious school, a
cloistered nun, or a brother in a monastic order. This list includes a much
too wide range of people who actually are in rather different professions. A

surprisingly large number of works have ignored these rather significant dis-
tinctions. Many have merged these groups into one, presenting a single set of
data for them all and describing them as one group. 21

In this paper we shall be interested in the personality correlates of the pul-
pit clergy. But this too presents a problem. The amount of work done on the
pulpit clergy has been too limited to be significant. So, for our purposes we
will include work done on the pulpit clergy and those who are in seminaries
that directly lead to pulpit work. (In the case of Catholics this means diocesan
seminaries.) It is recognized that not all the men who are in the seminaries
will end up in the pulpit; nor will they necessarily end up in another form
of religious life. It will be the assumption here that for these men in such semi-
naries the pulpit life is a real option and that there may be personality fac-
tors at work causing them to give significant consideration to pulpit work.

Even if we narrow our concern to pulpit clergy and pulpit seminarians, we
are not quite out of the woods. A great variety of men fill pulpits. Lenski has
pointed out differences between Protestant and Roman Catholic clergymen
in terms of their socioeconomic background, class of origin, and their influ-
ence on their congregations. 22 Harrower affirms that "One of the conclu-
sions we are able to draw [from a comparison of Rorschach test scores for a
group of medical students and candidates for the Unitarian Universalist min-
istry] is that on the basis of these two scores, the Unitarian population con-
tains persons who show. . , greater individuality or less likeness one to the
other than do medical students.'"" If this is true within the Unitarian Univer-
salist ministry, we certainly cannot ignore the differences that would obtain
between Southern Baptist ministers and Northeastern rabbis. Recognizing
that this problem helps confuse the issue, we shall nevertheless try to look for
common personality correlates that might apply to most groups of clergy.

What are we looking for? A great deal of the research over the years has
been looking for psychopathology or for tendencies leading toward mental
health, whatever that may mean. It was hoped that mental health or better
adjustment would lead to more effective functioning of the clergy. That bet-
ter mental health and more effective functioning are not related has been as-

serted by Woodroofe. "Is it not possible that the most persuasive preachers
are those with temperamental, egotistical personalities; that the most helpful
pastors are those who have struggled with some moral or spiritual problem
of their own; and that the best teachers are those whose intellectual powers
have not led them away from the popular mind into the abstractions of cleri-
cal culture? Is it not at all unthinkable that God may use cracked and imper-
fect vessels. . .?"24 Argylle has shown that most of this research in terms of
adjustment and mental illness has run into a blank wall. He lists a good many
of the studies that have been done and says rather hesitantly that "there may
be a tendency for Catholic ordinands to be neurotic while the reverse is gen-
erally true of the Protestants. ... All these studies use questionnaire measures
of personality, some of which are known to be of very low validity; particu-
larly the Bernreuter and Bell Inventories have poor validity, while little is
known about some of the other tests. The most valid are probably the
MMPI, the California Personality Inventory, and the Guilford Martin Inven-
tory. However, the three studies using them still give contrary findings. "25
Our concern here will not be with better mental health or more effective func-
tioning. Perhaps the contrary findings that Argylle reports are due to the fact
that we are not quite sure what we are looking for when we use on clergy
some of the standard tests that apply to general populations. What may, if any-
thing, differentiate the clergy may be something that has not been clearly de-
fined until now.

We shall not be making the assumption that because there are unconscious
motivations for one to enter the clergy or that the clergy may represent a reso-
lution of certain intrapsychic conflicts, there is anything wrong or unusual
about this. With Booth, we are interested in finding out more about the psy-
chological dynamics that allow an individual to maintain mental health in
spite of being a cultural deviant. We assume with him that "The coexistence
of private psychopathology and vocational soundness is a practically very im-
portant phenomenon"26 and that as a matter of fact this (psychopathology)
would be no bar to an effective ministry.

Dittes pointed out some of the significant methodological problems that
have plagued the research in this field. Pointing to the absence of "theo-

retical concern, conceptual labor," and poor design, he questioned what the
research was looking for and what it found, if anything. He pointed out that
there are many reports of research that uses clergymen as subjects but that
investigates nothing of unique significance concerning clergymen. "The find-
ings in effect prove that what is true for other people is also true for clergy-
men, namely their academic grades are related to their scores on tests of in-
tellectual ability, or that students with strongly deviant scores on the person-
ality scale are more likely to have emotional difficulties in the ministry." 27
Some research (he was commenting on the research done on ministerial ef-
fectiveness) measured what made a successful clergyman without having any
clear idea as to what "success" means. Is it salary, prestige, swaying people,
increased spirituality, or what? Much of the research may have been answer-
ing questions that no one has really asked.

Dittes points to the work of Stern, Stein, and Bloom 28 as a hopeful sign,
despite the very small sample of six, because the measures used were well
conceptualized and thought through. The attempt there was to predict ef-
fectiveness, but personality factors were a by-product. In their work a model
of the ideal student clergyman was determined and then an analytic study of
the theological students was done. Using the Wechsler-Bellevue, Rorschach,
TAT, Sentence Completion Test, and an autobiographical questionnaire, they
constructed a model of the successful student clergyman. Following similar
procedures with physicists and teachers, they compared the three groups.
Some of their findings will be referred to in the coming pages.

A similarly well-thought-out methodology was used by Sicgclman and
Peck' in comparing differential personality patterns of sixteen student min-
isters, sixteen student chemists, and sixteen career military officers. They con-
structed a set of predictive personality dimensions based on job role require-
ments and satisfactions and then tested their hypotheses using the Activities
Index of Stern, Stein, and Bloom, a Sentence Completion Test, a personal
interview, and a biographical form. From these they constructed a person-
ality model for each career, compared it to their predictions and the groups
to one another. Their results are most interesting.

Notwithstanding the difficulties, we shall try to see if the literature, theo-

rizing, and research that have been done shed some light on the personality
correlates of the clergy.

Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory

No review of the research in this area would be complete without mentioning
the MMPI. It has been perhaps the most widely used of all personality inven-
tories with theological students. Some have questioned whether it reveals any-
thing of significant interest about "normal" clergy, yet as Dittes has also
pointed out, though "one must be extremely careful not to draw conclusions
from it," it may reveal some suggestive leads.20

Though one of the best instruments around, it is subject to variables of age,
environment, and mood that create problems in drawing conclusions about
personality. Bier's work has been devoted to correcting such problems for
testing Catholic seminarians by omitting items referring to sex and religious
beliefs and thereby creating his own MMPI. The MMPI is often given to a
captive group, which usually means seminary students, and as with other re-
search in this field, the number of pulpit clergy who have systematically taken
it is limited. Despite these difficulties, profiles are available on a variety of
populations. Davis, Jalkanen, Kanai, Morse, Kobler, and others have worked
in this field.30 Lucero's and Currens' work has been with a limited sample of
psychologically interested Lutheran ministers. 31

One of the significant lacks in the reporting of some of the data has been the
omission of any of the validity scales. 32 These scales L, F, and K are crucial
to any interpretation of the profiles. If our concern is with defensiveness,
awareness of inner conflict, dissimulation, and the like, then their omission
seriously hampers our work.

Seminarian and pulpit profiles tend to peak on Mf. The lack of validity
of this scale makes one hesitate to offer any definitive statement, aside from
its not being counterindicative of the sensitivity to others, the need to succor
and nurture, and the dependency-passivity syndrome to be described later,
all of which in our culture are accounted as "feminine" traits. College and

graduate school students also tend to have peaks on Mf, but those of clergy-
men are consistently higher and almost always their highest peak.

Clergy MMPI profiles are consistcnlh higher than profiles of other sim-
ilarly educated groups, 33 though within what are considered to be normal
limits. This may suggest some support for the idea of psychological other-
ness, which has been mentioned earlier, and for Bier's assertion that "clergy
are the most deviant portion of an already deviant population."

High "K" scores as a clergy tradition have been pointed to by many.34
They have been taken to be indicative of both defensiveness and ego
strength. Kanai30 found that the high K scores of his seminary students cor-
related positively with defensiveness as measured on Heilbrun's Adjective
Check List. Morse30 found that those who persisted in completing their semi-
nary education were significantly higher on K than were college men. This
may suggest defensiveness toward intrapersonal difficulties, a hypothesis
that should be further investigated. It may also be due to age, greater ma-
turity, being in graduate school and consequently having greater
ego strength.

Much fruitful work can probably be done with the MMPI in this area,
especially if we are not looking for pathology. The relationship of the L, F,
and K scale, the Ego Strength scale and the information given by the Domi-
nance and Dependency subscales, and those that measure anxiety should be
checked into further to see if any differential information on pulpit clergy is
available from them.

"In, but not of"

In a medieval Benedictine monastery. . . a wooden screen was placed between
the n hci >i 11 i ( hristians sat and the choir with the holy table where the

monks sat. This symbolized the double standard of the holy life: that there are
two classes of men and only the separated can achieve maximum holiness. 35

"In, but not of, the world" should be the creed of every Christian, but it is
often the peculiar burden of the minister.'" Set-apartness as a psychological

fact appears and reappears in the literature on clergymen. The strongest
proponents of this idea have been those who have done extensive work with
clergy in analytically oriented psychotherapy and in testing with a variety
of projective techniques. Margaretta Bowers, who seems to have coined the
word "set-apartness" as a psychological term, has been working for twenty
years with "religiously dedicated persons'in psychoanalytically oriented psy-
chotherapy and group therapy. Gotthard Booth has had over thirty years of
experience with Episcopal and other Protestant seminarians and clergy, hav-
ing given (as of 1962) mote than 500 psychological examinations and having
been involved in therapy with 223 clergymen. He used the Rorschach classi-
cally and in light of work done in France, Italy, Hungary, and the U.S.A.37
This new approach reveals "the basic identification of the individual in meet-
ing other individuals and his collective environment." He and Molly Har-
rower have also made extensive use of the Szondi Test, which has had a mixed
reception in the literature, and the Machover Draw-A-Person. Dr. Harrower
has been the chief psychological tester of the Unitarian Universalist denomi-
nation and has created a special booklet that includes the Rorschach, the
Szondi, the verbal Wechsler-Bellevue, the Miale-Holsopple Sentence Comple-
tion Test, several drawing tests including the man-woman, the house-tree,
and the most unpleasant concept, and four cards from the TAT. In addition
to these, many others have affirmed this idea of psychological set-apartness
of the clergy. Most of these have themselves been clergymen with analytic
training and orientation. 3 8 There is some question whether there is a pre-
disposition among this group to see this kind of set-apartness.

The first words of Bower' book Conflicts of the Clergy are: "The clergy
are lonely set-apart people. Even the healthy, fulfilled, successful ones re-
member the loneliness of their childhood . , such lonely, set-apart, often
quite gifted children usually become ministers, research scientists, or doc-
tors.".'!' Somewhere along the line these children made their basic isolation
from the world an integral part of their way of dealing with the environment.
It would be this isolation that would involve them later on in work as clergy-
men. Booth has pointed to the fact that according to his profile of the average

ministerial candidate, "the minister's ego is characterized by the repression of
tendencies to isolate himself and a conscious or unconscious need to become
part of a transcendant relation with the world."40 Kildahl, a minister and an
analyst, has pointed to the ministry as something set apart and different from
all other callings. Blizzard quotes ministers saying of themselves that they
are set aside by their people to study and to contemplate. Even ministers'
wives have been seen to share the symbolic role of their husbands. Denton
points out that "the minister's wife shares this symbolic role and, as such, is
partly an embodiment of the community conscience. This has the effect of set-
ting her apart and of isolating her."" That such set-apartness is not neces-
sarily counterindicative of success has been pointed out by Ham.42 His work,
done with 119 Methodist ministers, was an attempt to measure the aspects of
personality that went along with ministerial success. Success was defined in
this study as a larger church and a greater income. Using the WAIS, Ror-
schach protocols with both the Klopfer and Beck scoring methods, and lay-
men's descriptions of their ministers, he comes to the conclusion that "the
high pulpit, formalized ritual, being set apart through ordination and pat-
terns of living, are not chance developments in the church . conspicuously
successful ministers maintain significantly greater emotional distance from
people than do ministerial failures.:' In completing the sentence stem "Noth-
ing makes me more furious," "ministers never mentioned that they were di-
rectly provoked by the actions of other people ... the ministers did not de-
scribe themselves reacting with anger because they themselves were directly
mistreated by others. They were 'furious' at others or at general practices
or situations but they did not mention that they were personally involved
or annoyed by these people.'" Such an inability to become involved may be
indicative of a distance and a kind of defensiveness toward other people that
one might well call set-apartness. MMPI research has found that high K scores
seem to be a tradition with the clergy. This has been pointed to by Kanai,
Jalkanen, and Morse. 34 One of the greatest complaints in terms of job dis-
satisfaction that Siegelman and Peck found in ministers was the fact that peo-
ple did not understand them, that somehow people saw them as being differ-

ent. The man who chooses such a role must in some way feel that the role is
appropriate for him.

On the surface, this set-apartness and emotional distance would seem
strange in view of the kind of life that the clergyman is expected to live in
relation to his congregation. He is to care for people; he seeks involvement
in the personal problems of people. Strange that such a man should be de-
scribed as set-apart. Yet the only "research" that seems to contradict this idea
is that by Vinton,43 in which an attempt was made to measure the perceptual
characteristics of those pastors deemed effective by their bishops. Vinton
pointed out that they saw themselves as more involved with people than did
ineffective pastors. There are some serious questions as to both the approach
and the methodology in this work. Vinton used a Pastoral Problem Response
blank that he created, a number of cards of the TAT, and three pastoral in-
cidents from the pastor's own experience. Yet even if these pastors saw them-
selves as more involved, they might have been compensating for the psycho-
logical isolation and set-apartness that they have come to feel. That there is
a tendency among ministers to be involved with others and a danger that they
sometimes get over-involved in others' lives has been pointed to many times.
It has been described by Carrigan as a dangerous and inherent tendency among
the clergy to merge with people. "One may lose himself in people to the ex-
tent that his identity is completely dependent on others. 'Who I am' becomes
' What others say I am; therefore-I am not really myself, but the reflection of
the image others project on me. "36 Indeed, what Booth has described as the
repressed need for isolation may be repressed by this tendency to merge, to
see one's self as very closely identified with one's congregants and to be a
participant in a kind of parafamilial way with their lives. Many clergy become
so closely identified with their church or synagogue that the minister or rabbi
becomes the institution. They often become needed participants in a family's
life cycle celebrations, though whether they are family or friend or something
in between is a clouded issue. The clergyman's "own personal need maybe-
come s o enmeshed with the program he espouses that one cannot determine
where one stops and the other starts."? That this can happen has been pointed

out by Small. In describing the needs for "affiliation and removal" in the job
concepts of better- adjusted boys and more disturbed boys, he pointed out
that "some" boys attempt to overcome the need to withdraw by selecting an
occupation that will force them into contact with people. "You've got to sell
yourself, that's what you've got to do." "I'd like to get to know people better;
it will help me to get on with them better. "44

That one may resolve one's set-apartness by "merging and/or over-involve-
ment with others" seems strange, but it is plausible. It is also indicated by some
of the research that has uncovered personality similarities between ministers
and, of all people, research or physical scientists. One is not surprised that
there may be a relationship in vocational motivation between ministers and
doctors, especially in their role as healers; 45 but certainly a relationship be-
tween ministers and scientists would seem to be a bit "much." Yet the similari-
ties are often striking. Schroeder, using a group Rorschach with the Munroe
Check List and the Allport-Vernon Study of Values, reported that "both
groups [physical science students and theology students] experienced difficul-
ty in establishing warm, interpersonal relationships. Theology students were
prone to seek refuge in some formalistic way of life or organization. Physical
science students may have found this same refuge in the objective and clearly
defined rules of scientific procedures. "46 In formulating a personality model
common to a group of physics students, Stern et al., pointed out that "most
important is the physicist's independence from interpersonal interactions.
They are not especially interested in interpersonal affairs and are relatively
detached from others in a wide variety of ways. Similarly, emotional stimuli
arising out of relations with others do not particularly arouse them."47 If one
is to compare this with the description of theology students in Siegelman and
Peck, one is struck by the similarity to the statement: "The ministers never
mentioned that they were directly provoked by the actions of other people.. .
they did not mention that they were personally involved or annoyed by these
people.'" Dines, pointing to research done by Bier and Schroeder, noted
that both clergymen and scientists show a kind of "observer and commentator
role in society which protects them from getting fully involved in active par-

ticipation in life. It might be argued that it is this opportunity for a certain
degree of disengagement from the actual process of living in society that is a
most important attraction in becoming a clergyman, and that whether a man
becomes a clergyman or a scientist is due to somewhat minor incidental factors
of interest, aptitude, and background experience. "48 A position strikingly simi-
lar to that of Bowers. It may be that the scientists have made the decision not to
resolve their problem of set-apartness by merging with others, but by retreat
into the world of science, and so remaining separate, aloof, and intellectual.
The clergyman, on the other hand, tries to resolve the problem by the
tendency to merge, to be involved, and as so many clergy put it, to help others.
Whatever the evidence shows, this would seem a fertile area for the crea-
tion of hypotheses and the attempt to test these hypotheses about set-apart-
ness. It may indeed be a major determinant for those who choose the vocation
of pulpit clergy as a way of being in, but not of, the world.

Love

To many, Jew and Christian alike, religion is love. "Love your neighbor as
yourself (Leviticus 19: 25) is taken by most men to be the core of their re-
ligious faith. The religious person is enjoined to give more love than he gets
and to offer it not on the basis of what people do, but just because they are
people. The clergyman, when he chooses to be the representative of his faith,
is often seen by his constituency as the embodiment of love, and he is expected
to give more love than he may get. Indeed, what he gets may often be hostil-
ity, disguised and otherwise. That this has its psychological correlates in the
ministry and that the desire to love, heal, and succor is a psychological cor-
relate of being a clergyman has been pointed out by many as a strong char-
acteristic of these men. Kagan says that a man who has been denied sufficient
love and attention in his childhood may choose to become a clergyman "be-
cause in that role he is required to give love and attention generously to
other people. Acting out his own childhood frustrations, he sometimes over-
does his attention to his congregation. "49 This need to take care of others

and the similarity of this need in doctors has been pointed out by Mennin-
g e r . A hypothesis presented by Loomis is that the ministry represents a spe-
cial kind of healing commitment: "The minister has a deep inner need to
help others. He is a helper nho hurts until he can help others."" Loomis has
also pointed out that "a few thousand years ago the priest and healer were
twin identities of one man who was both, and over the centuries there came
to be a differentiation of various functions . ."52 Rabbis Neil Gillman and
Israel Silverman, present and past registrars in charge of admission for the
Jewish Theological Seminar!-, have indicated in separate conversations with
the author that the overwhelming majority of students, when asked why they
wished to becomed rabbis^ respond, "Because I want to help people." This
theoretical and personal understanding has been supported by the research.
Roth Stern et al.,'"and Siegelman and Peck' found that theologians tended
to be somewhat more openly succorant and nurturant toward others. In ad-
dition they tended to be more dependent on them for affection. Ministers
wanted to be sympathetic and to help people when they expressed their
troubles, and they expressed the strongest need to support and help others.
Bier' s data, as interpreted by Dittes, indicated a significant sensitivity toward
the world on the part of the clergy. Certainly their continually h&her Alf
scores would lead one to think in this direction. Among Presbyterian semi-
narians the same tendency was reported. In responses to the Gough Adjective
Check List, the nurturance score was among the very highest scores of those
students. As interpreted, it suggested that these men were "helpful, solicitous,
attentive to the feelings of others. "53

To love is nohle. For the minister it is also useful. He loves in order to he
loved. It is role appropriate, but more than that, the minister's professional
advancement depends on it. Ginzbcrg points out that the rabbi must worry
about his "popularity since his contracts are subject to renewal and advance-
ment depends o n a Cdl from another congregation. "54

There are men who have a great need to be loved. 55 They also need it
shown regularly, for their congregants' love and respect oftcti become the
measure of their success. A fine home, a raise, and the success of the Building

Fund campaign may rest on how loved the minister is. Siegelman and Peck
point out that getting along for future clergymen in high school meant being
liked, accepted, and perhaps admired by other students. The minister, as
much as he needs to succor, needs succor. His "drive to help others may also
be motivated in part by his need to be accepted, liked and respected." "If I
am nurturant, I will be liked.'"

Harrower has suggested that the ministry attracts men with inner conflict
about their strong affectionate needs. 23 That this is not the only conflict we
shall see ii

Sanctuary

That the pulpit or church may be a sanctuary is a thought generally accepted
by Western man. It has often been suggested that in religion one can find
peace and a resolution of inner conflicts and dilemmas. Even one's inadequa-
cies do not count for as much in a place where God is the overseer and a man
is valued for what he is and not for what he accomplishes. Many psychological
investigators have suggested that the pulpit is especially attractive to men
who have strong inner conflicts to resolve. Wheelis lists the church as "a pro-
fession which has the combined characteristics of being truly knowable only
from within and offering promise when viewed from without of alleviation
of inner conflict, which promise is insidiously retracted by increasing pro-
ficiency in the field. "56 He goes on to point out that the church offers particu-
lar vicarious gratification of impulse by bringing the minister into contact with
evil and the sufferings of parishioners at the same time as it promises to
strengthen him against temptation. "The clergy offers an opportunity for
satisfying both sides of one or another intrapersonal conflict or ambivalence.
The conflict over dependence versus independence, over authority, over the
expression or inhibition of hostility would all seem to find particularly suc-
cessful compromise resolutions in a clergy role where both dependence and
independence can be especially well expressed or in which hostility can be
condemned and love extolled-in a hostile, prophetic manner." 57

That aggression and the feelings surrounding ir arc a great problem of the
clergyman has been suggested by a number of investigators. Dodson, in work
done with 50 graduate students from three Southern California universities
and compared to so seminarians from three interdenominational Protestant
seminaries, reported that "seminarians arc more guilty and show more dis-
comfort with sexual and hostile feelings and are more intrapunitive in han-
dling hostility and aggression than controls. "58 Schroeder's data indicnred
that theology students were marked by "deep-seated feelings of hostility and
rebellion. "46 Lcng ago, Menninger pointed to "the need to assuage the un-
conscious guilt arising from long repressed hostility towards various members
of the childhood family by the psychological process of undoing, in addi-
tion to the pulpit being a search for a solution to the problem of conflict
with authority. "50 Stern's theological students found great difficulty in recon-
ciling impulse expression with the demands of conscience.28 Indeed, one might
suggest that the set-apartness of the clergy referred to previously may result
from feelings of guilt about deep-seated hostility and rebellion. One way in
wich these feelings can be handled is by withdrawal from other people and
by over-protestation of passivity, conformity, and kindness, something we
shall say more about later.

The profile that we reported before, done by Booth and Harrower, sug-
gested that the average candidate for the ministry was a young man with
"inner conflict about his strong affectionate needs, and a tendency to subli-
mate aggression and to keep it under moral control. "40 One way in which this
is done is by keeping " affectionate needs . balanced between personal and
sublimated objectives, and in the task of maintaining this often difficult bal-
ance, he is aided by the tendency to devote his aggressive ti
personal goals and to subordinate it to the control of c
hibit the display of personal emotions." indeed, aggression handled in this
way, aggression for the greater golry of God, the church and its ideals, be-
comes aggression for which one cannot be blamed or punished. One is doing it
because one is an idealist, not because one is self-seeking. The clergyman can
be as hostile as he wants to. He can express all the aggression he wants to, but

he avoids any kind of direct, open retribution. People expect to be castigated
by their minister. For their own reasons, they often seem to enjoy it. They
may express their hostility more subtly by being glad when he gives a poor ser-
mon, does something foolish, or fails with his Board of Directors. But the
clergy's way of expressing aggression leads to another result: the aggression,
because it is so role-appropriate, becomes ineffectual in what is essentially a
competitive world. It is suggested that the aggression may be so great that
some of it cannot be expressed this way and has to be turned inwards; and
intrapunitiveness among the clergy is reported by many investigators. 59

Bowers questions whether many of these men are not isolating themselves
within their self-made prison wails in order to protect their loved ones and
their communities from the danger of their destructive powers. Rubenstein,
in commenting on Bowers, has pointed out: "If she is correct, most clergy-
men would rather be hurt than inflict hurt; hence they accept roles which
contain the never-ending threat of psychic crucifixion."" This is a way in
which one can resolve one's aggressive feelings, but at a very great price.

The pulpit may be a sanctuary in other ways. As a group, ministers have
strong feelings of personal inadequacy. The pulpit may help compensate for
this. The Ministry Studies Board of the United Presbyterian Church tells
its young ordinands: "You will be taking on in the ministry a very high dig-
nity indeed. The dignity will derive not from you but from your message.
Part of it will inevitably affect your own life. In word and gesture you will
stand for the most hopeful message it is possible to convey to men."""

To the sentence stems "If I only had . , ." and "I suffered most from . . ."
ministers overwhelmingly expressed a striving to overcome personal inade-
quacies. They implied in their comments that they were insecure about cer-
tain abilities and personal qualities and were disturbed about this. On the
other hand, the officers and chemists involved in the study did not often ex-
press this personal insecurity, but saw any lack as due to external circum-
stances. On the second stem, 13 out of 16 ministers noted personal inadequacy
as being most distressful to them while the remaining 3 gave outer circum-
stances responses.' The same phenomenon of personal inadequacy has been

pointed to by others including Johnson" and Davis. 30 This phenomenon is
heightened by the fact that the clergyman chooses a role that has aspects of
vestigial magic and miracle making. The gap between the expectations and
the achievements of the clergy is great. The clergyman may see himself as
bringing the Kingdom of God to men and therefore reworking the world. He
is aware of men's limitations and, deep down, of his own limitations, and he
becomes painfully aware that the gap is immense. He cannot effectively mea-
sure what he does since his effect on people is often so nebulous and he per-
ceives the expectations as so overwhelming. Ham has pointed to the rel-
atively weak ego strength of ministers by using the Beck and Kopler scoring
methods of his Rorschach protocols.42 He maintains that "the more effective
ministers display response patterns indicating a relatively weak ego strength
in relation to the general population. Ministerial failures, on the other hand,
display scores double to three times higher than their more effective fellow
ministers." It would be interesting to relate this to the work that is being done
with the MMPI and to see what the ego strength subscale would indicate about
ministers. If, as has been indicated, it correlates highly with the K scale, then
ego strength might not necessarily be low in ministers despite Ham's work.

Eck and LaRere have pointed out that there tnay be what is called "the
super-compensatory vocation in which the psychasthenic, conscious of his
inferiority and the inadequacy of his equipment for the battle of life, seeks
authority and assurance through the wearing of the uniform for the discharge
of some function.""' These feelings did not begin in adulthood. That they
have origins in the childhood feelings of the clergy is strongly suggested.
Booth asserts that "the conspicuous social dignity of the [Episcopal] priest-
hood attracts men who hare suffered in their childhood from feelings of in-
feriority. The church . . . provides security which is by no means of a purely
materialistic character. There arc many candidates who enjoyed very little
parental affection as children and for whom being in church meant, from
childhood, the only experience of being 'in my Father's house' or 'being at
home.' "62 Ministers seem to be aware of their unhappy childhood. In the
work of Siegelman and Peck, the reporting of an unhappy childhood by min-

i feature.' On a more analytic level, Rubenstein points out
that, "Deeply, more deeply than most men, our Rabbi's life was spent seeking
the approval and commendation of his dead father. As he neared the end of
his own life, he still sought it and was convinced that he would never be worthy
or it. 03 That sucn feelings might lead to a desire to placate the Heavenly
Father would, to the analytically-oriented mind, be obvious.

The childhood inadequacy felt by the minister may lead to another con-
sequence. He may avoid competing with the world. He may shun the com-
petitive world because he cannot truly compete in it. In the church, as a
clergyman, he is safe for he has answered a call far above men's abilities to
avoid or to compete with. He is justified by the very fact of having heard the
call. He is not representing or advancing his own cause; he is advancing the
impersonal cause of God or some ideal. Anna Freud has descrihcd the child's
tendency to restrict "its ego" as a defense against pain from external sources.'"
She describes this defense as avoidance of activities (e.g., competitive ones)
that are likely to produce pain; she describes this as a normal stage in the de-
velopment of the ego. Apparently with some clergy this is carried beyond that
stage. Hostie points out that "there is a group of religious who say 'What
would I do in the world; how can I survive att the dangers and difficulties;
here at least 1 am safe; why should I change; in the world I should only go
under altogether.' "65 That seminary students are often shaken by the
thought that they cannot stand the competitive world of other men has been
described hy one who has hcen in close contact with them for many years. 66
Eck and La Rere pointed out the dangers of what they call "a refuge voca-
tion, when the subject, seized by panic when faced with the responsibilities
of life, hurries away from the world because he fears the world, not because
he has received a special call to a higher life.'"" And indeed the very higher
life that they speak of and the call to that higher life may be a way of avoid-
ing competing with the world. If one has heard the call, one is then in a
league by oneself.

How does one remain in a league by oneself and still be involved with others?
One tries to be involved in the active modification of reality to conform

to a private value system, a dimension of personality that Stern et a/., called
Exocathection-Intraception and that they found to be exceptionally typical
of clergy. 17 A private value system is a way of both rejecting the world's sys-
tem and avoiding the need to compete with it. One rejects the values of the
world and therefore does not have to be involved in the pursuit of those
things that those values indicate. And yet one wants to be involved in the
world and is caught in this dilemma. One therefore says that one is trying to
change the world, yet it is hard to believe this, since one of the dominant
features of research in the clergy has also been a greater feeling of dependen-
cy and passivity. Schroeder,46 Roe,67 Siegelman and Peck' have noted this
tendency toward passivity and conformity on the part of theology students.
In some cases it was described as low dominance. The data that Davis re-
ports for Presbyterian seminary students support the fact that dependency
is greater than dominance in the population of Presbyterian seminary stu-
dents. In 1942, Johnson, using the Bernreuter (a questionable test), found
that salesmen ranked higher on dominance than theology students, which in
itself is not surprising.21 Whitlock, in testing for passivity in the personality
of 25 candidates for the ministry and using a semi- structured depth interview,
a Sentence Completion Test, and the Dominance Scale of the California Psy-
chological Inventory, found that the more passive the person, the higher he
scored on the Ministry scale. He suggested that this was related to the popular
conception of the ministry as the pulpit ministry. It is likely, he suggests,
that a passive individual tends to be easily influenced by such a role concept
that may involve a particular idealized self-image. "An idealized self-image
is what the subject believes himself to be. It is an unconscious phenomenon
but represents the attempts of the person at solving his conflict between what
he is and what he wants to be. As long as his idealized itnage remains real to
him, he can feel significantly superior and harmonious in spite of the illusory
nature of such feelings." 68 What could be less passive than to be in the pul-
pit, called by God to change the world?

Passivity, dependency, sensitivity, nurturing and helping others, a noncom-
petitive view of life are taken by our society to be feminine attributes. Booth

says: "The emotional and aesthetic emphasis of the church services appeals

to men who are more interested in the receptive than in the aggressive side of
life. In American culture the priesthood represents the only occupation which
is socially fully recognized and makes it a man's duty, not an 'escape,' to par-
ticipare in emotional experiences mediated by aesthetic forms. "69 For some cler-
gy their own sexuality and their attitude to women may be their greatest con-
flict. Very high Mf scores, a clergy trademark on the MMPI, although not
indicative of homosexuality, may make one want to think about conflict in that
area. Roe has pointed to the greater feminine interest pattern of the clergy,"'
and Schroeder's data suggested great areas of psychosexual conflict.46 "Overt
homosexuals are sometimes attracted by the fact that celibacy in a dedicated
[Episcopal] priest is less likely to be considered suspect as sexual maladjust-
ment than is the case in any other occupation. Unconscious homosexuals sense
in the church the possibility of sublimated satisfaction: the aggressive types
arc made secure in wielding power for the good of the church and of the
individual parishioners; the more passive types are able to enjoy affectionate
relationships without fear of being exploited by sexually aggressive individ-
uals. "69

That being a clergyman may be an attempt to resolve this conflict for some
Catholics, of whom celibacy is required, has been common knowledge. For
some, the problem has become overt. 'Work with them is described by
Bowers'" and Christensen." Bowers offers some fascinating theories as to the
use of religious rituals and roles as ways of resolving these conflicts.

It might be suggested that this unresolved dependency, the need for
warmth and love, with an accompanying distrust of warmth and love, the
aggression that accompanies this constant search for and inability to accept
love may all be part of one conflict. The minister may have learned through
his life experience that he cannot be accepted for who he is but for \/\A~\£t he
does, not what he does for himself, but only insofar as he does for others. The
anger that results may so endanger his being accepted and his dependence on
others that it must be sublimated in some way. What better way to express
the anger so that it cannot hurt, to love and yet at a distance, than by setting

oneself apart, becoming an exception, a projection and a paradigm of what
man should be, and by so doing to serve both God and man well?

The pulpit is a paradox. It both is and is not a sanctuarv from these con-
flicts. Yet for many men it offers a way to live, an unspoken deal between what
one is and what the environment needs. People need clergy; they need some
men to be different, to be "wholly other," to be exceptions. Some men choose
to do just that. For some it is a sanctuary in which they can live and be useful.
Others find that they have fled into a trap.

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58. Dodson, F. J., "Personality Factors in the Choice of the Protestant Ministry as a
Vocation." Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Southern California, 1957.

59. Siegelman and Peck, op. cit. (note 1). Kanai, op. cit. (note30). Dodson. op. cit.
Schroedcr. op. cit. (note 4 6) .

SO. "The Challenge to Be Presented in rhe Program of Enlistment." In De Wirc.H.,
ed., The Guidance of Ministerial Candidates. Philadelphia, The United Presby-
terian Church, U.S.A., 1964. The quotation here cited is from Berger, P. L., "Letter
on the Parish Ministry," Christian Century, 1964, 81, 547-550.

61. Eck, Dr., and La Re-re, C, "Psychasthenia and Vocation." I". FJwd S, ed.,Neiz
Problems in Medical Ethics, Vol. III. Westminster, Md., The Newman Press, 1956.

62. Booth, "The Psychological Examination of Candidates for the Ministry," op. cit.
(note 4) .

63. Rubenstein, R. L., "Death of a Rabbi." Unpublished paper. 196 1.

64. Freud, A., The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense. New York, Inter. Univ. Press.

194$.

65. Hostie, S.J., R., The Discernment of Vocations. New York, Sheed&Ward, 1963.

66. Southard, S., "Motivation and Ment
Own Mental Health. Great Neck, N.

67. Roe, op. Cit. (note 8) .

68. Whitlock, op. cit. (note 9).

69. Booth, "The Psychologi
(note 4) .

70. Bowers, Address to the Mi

The Guidance of Ministerial Candidates, Columbus, 0.,Ma\

of Candidates for the Ministry," op. cit.
s Board Conference. In DcWire.1L, cd.,

SAMUELVIGODA'S
LEGENDARY VOICE?

Max Wohlberg

Dear Reader: I have just finished reading Samuel Vigoda's "Legend-
ary Voices" and 1 am anxious to share my impressions with you. But
before doing so permit me to indulge in the performance of a mitzvah, for
our sages have taught us that if a mitzvah is at hand we are not to delay and
permit it to sour. So, before I begin my dissertation let me do you a favor
and urge you to stop reading these lines and go about ordering the book in
question, then in a relaxed mood you can come back and read my
comments.

If you regularly read this Journal, you have already, without doubt,
heard of Samuel Vigoda the excellent cantor. However, you may not have
known that he is also a gifted writer and that most of the articles contained
in this volume appeared some years ago in the Yiddish "Daily Forward".

As a matter of fact, 1 just realized that under the spell of Vigoda's
infectious style, I, too, have adopted the heymish habit of addressing my
readers panim el panim, in second person, k'dabeyr ish ef reyeyhu. I also
find myself partial to his frequent resort to a ma'amar hazal, an apt quote,
a novel interpretation or an oblique reference. He is ready to quote at the
drop of a yarmilke and culls quotables meyarba kanfot ha'aretz. To the
best of my recollection, I have never before encountered a paragraph
containing side by side such divergent characters as Luther, Voltaire and
R. Tarfon (p. 5). There is no doubt in my mind that Vigoda is fully
deserving of an MLS, "Master of the Leisurely Shmoos."

Of course, he may digress, change the subject, exaggerate somewhat,
speculate a bit, indulge in homiletic excursions and decline the use of one
word when four will do, but withal he will inform, entertain, illuminate
and delight. So, if you are unable to invite theauthor to visit you at home,
regale you with bon mots from his inexhaustible supply, do the next best
thing: read this book (I assume that you have followed my advice above
and ordered it) and enjoy.

In preparation for these articles the author must have interviewed
hundreds and consulted countless sources because in them he acquaints us
with not merely the bare facts but also with the circumstances, the causes
and effects, the rumors and the legends.

31

Using his fertile imagination and liberally applying padding where
needed to fill out the lacunae he is able to relate verbatim a private
conversation of a century ago, describe the intimate process of one's
thoughts or recall the minutes of detail of a dream. Not content with a
thorough retelling of a historic or fictional episode he also gives an
exhaustive treatise on the locale involved. History and geography are in
his employ and his ability to name a modest shohet, an arrogant gabbai or
our autocratic president is simply flabbergasting.

The era dealt with here encompasses approximately a century (1850-
1950) and the personae include such illustrious names as: Vilner Balebeisel,
Kashtan, Betzalel Odesser, Nisi Belzer, Nisi Blumenthal, Zeidel Rovner,
Yerukhom Hakoton, Rozumny, Minkowsky, Karniol, Bachman,
Shlepak, Kalechnik, Sirota and others. Briefer appearances are made by
Feinsinger, Lomzer, Kahan, Cooper, Meisels, Hershman and Rosenblatt.

Unfortunately, the chapters do not appear in chronological sequence
and thus some overlapping and repetition is unavoidable. But, in the
meantime the reader is offered an astounding number of (skeptics will say
apocryphal) but fascinating details and revealing vignettes involving such
unexpected guests as Rubinstein, Tchaikowsky, Caruso and the Tzarina.

It should be noted that while Aaron Friedman (in "Lehensbilder
Beruhmter Kantoren ") and Elias Zaludkowsky (in "Kulturtreger Fun Der
Yidisher Liturgie ") have provided us with biographies of most cantors
represented here. The current volume covers an incomparably wider
canvas, encompassing both fact and fiction, history spiced with sociology,
events enlivened by reportee and intervals filled with interludes thus
enhancing immeasurably the charm of the book.

Candor compels me to observe that since, at times, similar or identi-
cal adjectives are applied to a number of cantors treated herein it would be
fallacious to claim for the reader a clear understanding of the specific
qualities associated with each. However, in a number of cases (pp. 262,
269, 270, 289, 290, 315 for example) a clearer characterization is
attempted.

The serious reader, interested only in a factual, verifiable chronicle
may react negatively at the inclusion of certain episodes based on gossip,
hearsay, supposition, assumption and hypothesis (such as on pp. 200,206,
267, 303, 426, 455-6 for example).

Objectives of greater validity may be raised at such questionable
statementsas: Zeidel was a master of orchestration; the Makatower Rebbe
was a musical genius; Machtenberg the musicologist; music too intricate
to be rotated. Still, after reading in the Preface, Vigoda's disarmingly
modest disclaimer, the flowery language and ornate phraseology utilized

32

(recalling the amamental 19th century style of Etinger, Dyk and Mendele
in Yiddish literature), the word Legend in the title, the author's predilec-
tion for a romanticized view of Hazzanut these statements do not jar and
are comfortable "at home". Similarly and not surprisingly we even read
with equanimity (p. 455-6) albeit with a smile, of the accommodating souls
that were asked to depart in order to relieve the overcrowding in the
synagogue.

The author's idealized perception of our profession appears in such
passages: "Throughout the dark centuries of the Galut it was the sweet
singers of Israel, lifting their voices in the sanctuaries, who carried the
message of a new dawn about to break on the wings of their prayerful
chants to their hard pressed brethren, strengthening thereby their confi-
dent belief in heavenly justice that eventually would prevail."

"At the same time the balmy impetus of their cantor's voice stimu-
lated their steadfast determination and resolve not to sit idly by and wait
for it to happen, but rather to strive and work for the day when the
visionary dream and coveted goal of ultimate redemption would come to
pass." (p. 3-4).

Worshipers were not merely anxious to hear a Hazzan but: "Oh, how
they envied their brethren in Kishinev their singular good fortune... How
they longed to be given a chance to also ... hear the great master. This was
the height of their ambition, day and night they dreamed about it, seeking
ways and means which would enable them to bring Rozumny to their town
for a guest appearance. No sacrifice would be too great to achieve this end.
They were willing to save on their food bills, to pawn their valuables and, if
necessary, even their bedding", (p. 279).

And when the beloved Hazzan arrived: "once more the sun was
shining brightly in the sky and had driven away the dreary clouds that for
so long had hovered over the horizon and had depressed their souls".
While hearing the great masters: "The glow on the faces... almost exceeded
the brightness of the sun at high noon. They seemed hypnotized" (p. 492)
or, at least tears flowed ceaselessly and women fainted.

Needless to say, people didn't simply die but: "the angel of death
caught up with him" (p. 452), "his existence on earth was cut short by the
scythe of the Angel of Death" (p. 457).

As for the death of Bachman: "The 30th of April 1905 dawned bright
and mild with no inkling that anything of particular significance would
occur in the course of its reign - but that date was destined to become
memorable. For before the sun disappeared from the horizon, plunging
the planet into darkness, dark sadness descended on the hearts and souls
of all the inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, Jews and Gentiles alike"
(p.311).

33

Speaking of style and language I would note with regret that Gero-
witch appears as Gurewitch (160), Leo Low appears numerout times as
Loew and, most regrettable, Sulzer is changed to Zultzer! Of course, the
misspelling of the names of a number of Hungarian cities (130) by my
Hungarian landsman is a matter for the highest Hungarian courts - if not
higher.

Incidentally, on p. 475 (or before) insert the correct years for Kash-
tan, 1781-1829.

For some reason or other a number of archaic linguistic uses were
introduced; missives for letters, vestments for robes, devotional for ser-
vice, chorist for choir singer, pontificate for officiate and accord for chord
or harmony. Perhaps to compensate for these we are treated to such a
contemporary colloquialism as "great shakes he was not" (214).

An amusing practice of the author (or translator) is the introduction,
after a Hebrew or Yiddish word or term, of parentheses in which a
translation or, more frequently, an idiomatic equivalent is offered. Here
are some of the memorable ones: nakhas - contentment; khas vkholile
-perish the thought; takhlis - essentials; nigunim - pious tunes;borukh
sheptorani - good riddance; khazon medini - minstrel of all lands; tzadik
-ultrareligious; talis koton - ritual cloth; eyn kleynekayt - no bagatella this;
davke - jinx fashion; shelokh monos -figs and oranges; borukh habo
-reception; drong - whose thick cranium cannot grasp and absorb knowl-
edge; melamed - heymish Hebrew teacher; b'ney odom prayer said on the
day before Yom Kippur while turning around the cock over your head;
kayn ayin hore - knock on wood and meshuga mayne sonim - are you off
your rocker'? Some of these are worthy of a Sholom Aleikhem.

It was high time for someone to collect and retell the stories, anec-
dotes, facts and myths associated with the cantorial giants of the past. I
know of no one better suited for this task than our friend Samuel Vigoda
who has indeed produced a delightful work, one which should - and I am
confident will - be found in the library of every cantor and lover of Jewish

I have learned much from it and was particularly delighted by what
appears on the frontispiece as well as on the binding: Volume I.
Halevay, Ribono shel olom! (May we live on to read Volume II).

PSALMODY

Joseph A. Levine

Music in Biblical Israel was predominantly vocal. 1 All of Hebrew
Scripture cites two possible evidences of music without voice; young
David's plucking of the lyre to ease King Saul's depression* and perhaps
Saul's earlier encounter of "a company of prophets coming down from the
high place with a harp, a tabret, a pipe, and a lyre before them.'"

The orchestra in Solomon's temple (dedicated ca. 950 B.C.E.)
followed Davidic form in stressing its percussive component. 4 Shortly
before its destruction at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar in 586 B.C.E. , King
Hezekiah "set the Levites in the House of the Lord with cymbals
(m'tsiltayim), with resonating harps (n'bhaiim), and with hand-held lyres
(kinnorot)." 5 Levitical singing over the burnt offering in the first temple
was accompanied by an ensemble that sometimes included 128 cymbals"
and 120 trumpets (hatsots'rot)J

By the final century of the second temple (built 516 B.C.E., razed 70
C.E.), the Priestly trumpets and Levitic cymbals were each reduced to a
single pair which filled gaps in the musical performance." The function of
both brass and percussion had become punctuational, concomitant with
the subjugation of playing to singing in the temple ritual. While the
orchestra's role was being reduced, that of the choir expanded beyond its
former parameters.

In addition to singing with accompaniment over the sacrifice, the
choristers would proceed as a group to lishkat haggazit (the chamber of
hewn stone), located half in the inner court and half on holy ground. 9 It
served as seat of the Great Sanhedrin which judged the people'" and also as

Institute of the Jewish Theological

•M Chron. 16:5; King David's chief i
! II Chron. 29:25.
"Ezra 2:41. 3:IO

the temple-synagogue. There the members of each weekly course would
recite benedictions, prayers and Scriptural lections.ll

A second-generation Tannaitic sage (ca. 100 C.E.), R. Joshua B.
Hananiah, served in the choirs of both chamber of hewn stone and Priestly
court. He regularly went from one to the other and apparently sang an
identical repertoire without any adjustment. Especially trying were festal
occasions such as the week-long observance of Tabernacles: "During the
celebration of the drawing of water we never slept, having gone from the
early morning sacrifice to morning prayer; from the additional sacrifice to
additional prayer; study hall to repast; from evening service to evening
sacrifice." 12 Absence of instruments from the lishkat haggazit service
seems not to have affected the Levitic choir's basic repertoire nor its
habitual performance.

Moreover, there were synagogues coeval with the second temple,
outside of the capital. These houses of communal worship began when the
daily offering (qorban tamid) was democratized through the institution of
twenty-four maamadut or courses. Every district of the land sent a
delegation to Jerusalem twice yearly for a week-long rota of participation
in the temple activities. As not all members of the maamad would or could
make the journey, the ones who remained at home gathered in the
synagogue of their town on the days they were supposed to be in
Jerusalem. There they recited various daily offices which were called by
the corresponding names of the temple routine. 13 They fasted, prayed, and
read from the Torah scrolls at the times of day fixed for the obligatory
sacrifices. 14

Although the Mishnah here mentions only Israelites of the course
gathering in their local synagogue, it elsewhere describes the blessing of
the maamad- Priests in the provinces. 15 Our assumption must be that
wherever Priests functioned, Levites assisted. This continuing relationship
of the two consecrated classes justified the Levitical tither6 and was
explicitly ordained in Mosaic law. 17 The course which assembled in the
hinterland corresponded in its composition to the maamad in Jerusalem.

11 Mishnah Tam. 4.3-5.1. The lishkat haggazit service included the Biblical portions, Deut. 5:6-18,

■obhodah. hilkhot

36

Professor Solomon Zeitlin of Dropsie University postulated further that
the courses which met in the outlying synagogues not only read Biblical
verses relating to the daily offering but also echoed the actual liturgy of the
lishkat haggazit service. 18 Thus the provincial nexus by which Levitic
musical practice, sans accompaniment, was carried abroad is clearly
established.

Biblical and Apocryphal accounts of the first temple's vocal art,
though sparse, are in accord concerning its vivacity: "the song sang
itself;" 19 "the song lifted up its voice. "20 Such poetic imagery betokens an
energetic vocalism which would have matched the sheer volume of
competing instrumental sound of the Solomonic period. By Amoraitic
times (beginning ca. 200 C.E.) characterizations of music in the second
temple confirm the supremacy of singing over playing: "Vocal music is
dominant, and the instrument sweetens the sound (by accompaniment)." 21
As stated previously, brass and percussion no longer coincided with the
Levitic choir and the accompanying orchestra consisted of strings only.
The chant form which evolved from the temple ritual, psalmody, can be
traced etymologically to the above circumstances. Greek psalmos (psalm)
derived from psallein (to pluck) and denotes a song accompanied by the
plucking of strings.** It has also been shown that the psalmodic form of
chant worked equally well without its instrumental background.

It is, therefore, possible to speculate on the type of singing that was
heard toward the end of the sacrificial era. It was primarily lyric and
non-percussive. It was logogenic or word-born, flexible and non-metrical.
Its motivic groupings centered around the interval of a fourth, 23 whose
inherent urge to descend must have limited the normal range of this tonal
art. Neither its gender (the size of its typical intervals) nor its scale (the
sequence of its melodic steps) is known. Temple psalmody might have
been organized into patterns which dictated its mood, tempo, and melodic
curve. Professor Curt Sachs of New York University observed that one-
third of the psalms bear such pattern-indicating headings as shoshannim,
yedutun, mahalat, etc.24 Elaborating on this point, Dr. Joseph Yasser of
the Jewish Theological Seminary equated the heading of Psalm 46, al-
ls Solomon Zeitlin. "The Origin of the Synagogue." Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish
Research. 1931. p. 78; cf. Rambam, ibid. 4-5.
19Radak on II Chron. 29:28.
20Sirach. 50:18.
21B*l Suk. 51a.

22Sama, Nahum M.. S.V. "Psalms: Title," Encyclopedia Judaica. 1972, vol. 13, 1304. The Book of

Psalms is referred to as Psolmoi in the New Testament (Luke 20:42. Acts 1:20). The closest Hebrew

equivalent is mizmor; it was Palestinian practice to refer to Psalms as mizmorot (Jer.Ber.4.3; Ta'an2:2).

23Idelson, Abraham oldor lit intili I ihhrii Tel A\i\& Beilin Dvir Publishing Co., 1924, p.

n

alamot shir, with traditional usage of high-pitched lyres known as
"maidens" and that of Psalm 53, al-mahalat, with pipes used to
accompany a festive circle dance. 25 Both Sachs and Yasser were echoing
the mediaeval Jewish commentator, Abraham Ibn Ezra, who thought the
psalm headings denoted certain well-known song types according to
which the particular psalm was to be tendered. 26

Essentially, the Levitic choir had to reconcile two demands which are
ever present in vocal music; comprehensible transmission of the psalmodic
words and the establishment of a suitably solemn musical atmosphere. It
was not a case of two synergistic forces in opposition but rather a contest
titlted toward the sacred texts by the apriori mood of the ritus, which was
executed in "the most complete silence." According to an eyewitness
report.27 In this imposing situation music could not compete on its own
terms by wedding purely melodic beauty with poetic imagery. The nature
of Levitic psalmody was its total dependence upon "the words of David" 28
and the universal religious themes which they expressed; praise of the
Creator, individual solace in time of distress, and extolment of moral
uprightness. Just as playing was subservient to singing, so too melody
functioned only as a medium for the textual message.

A reasonable guess as to what transpired musically at the apex of the
vast temple courts29 would describe the melodically restrained, textually
biased linear formulae of liturgical recitative, whose "essential charac-
teristic . . ..is thechantingofa text on a single note— the recitingtone— with
upward or downward inflections to mark the ends of clauses or
sentences." 30 This solution is posited as a more logical working hypothesis
than the free-compositional theory, according to which every psalm would
have been provided with its own distinctive, pre-existent setting. 31
Adaptation of the old tunes to several psalm-texts would not have
invalidated the "freedom of composition. "32

"II Chion. 29:30.

"TheLevites stood upon a dais situated between three open courtyards, those of the Priests

means of a flight of fifteen steps. Josephus. The Jewish Wars. tr. GA Williamson. Baltimore: Penguii
Books, Inc., 1959. Excursus VI. pp. 387-96; F.J. Hollis.The Archaeology Of Herod's Temple. London
J.M. Dent&Sons, Ltd., 1934, pp. 187, 192.

30Hoppin, Richard H. Mediaeval Music. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc. 1978, p. 78.

31 Cohen, A. "The Psalms,'* Soncino Books Of the Bible. London: The Soncino Press, 1958, p. 61.

32Hoppin, ibid,

38

Refutation of this theory may be adduced from several sources, one
as early as the beginning of the seventh century. Pope Gregory's
contemporary, Isidore of Seville states that in the primitive church the
singer "made his voice resound by so moderate an inflection that he was
closer to declamation than (to) singing." 33 Since the church's repertoire
stemmed from the synagogue, as will be shown infra, Isidore's observation
gives a clue for the Hebrew recitation of psalms in both Saboraitic
Babylon and Amoraitic Palestine as well. Ibn Ezra's conviction that the
psalm-headings indicated actual melodies reflected the practice of twelfth-
century Spanish poets as he himself notes, rather than the continuation of
a former temple ritual. Any given era's innovation will naturally represent
a deviation from traditional usage and cannot be relied upon as proof of performance
mode in an historically more remote age.

Yet another difficulty with the free-compositional theory arises from
the eclogadic or selective nature of the psalms themselves. 34 Since Levitic
texts in the temple ritual varied from day to day, it must have been
necessary to devise recitation formulas that could be used for any set of
words. Such chant patterns, whether simple or florid, would have met the
primary challenge of sacrificial psalmody, adaptability. The product of a
thousand years of creativity, the one-hundred-and-fifty psalms are all
different. 35. Their prosody though, is subject to predictable categor-
ization. Psalmodic verses display a consistent parallelism of thought
which is articulated through a typically binary linkage of sentences. 36 Any
melodic stencil superimposed upon psalmodic texts must, therefore, hinge
on a caesura near its center and be flexible enough to accommodate both
its antecedent and consequent half to either few or many syllables. The
resulting chant would comprise two equal phrases, balanced by a pausal
fulcrum. Each horizontal plane might be broken by vertical flourishes of
limitless complexity at its intonation and/ or termination.

The fact is that widely separated Jewish communities have chanted
psalms as well as other religious tracts in similar linear style throughout
the intervening centuries. Further corroboration can be marshalled from
the oldest traditional chants for similar texts in the Roman Catholic

33 Isidore of Seville. "De ecciesiasticis officiis," 1.5,2, Parrologiae cursus completes. Series Latina,
LXXXIII. 742ff; cited by Salo wittmayer Baron. A Social and Religious History of the Jews, VII,

34Wemer, Eric. The Sacred Bridge. New York & London: Columbia University Press, 1959. p. 54f.

35ldelsohn,tol dot, op. cit., p. 222.

36 Hrushovsky, Benjamin, S.V. "Prosody. Hebrew," Encyc. Jud.. 1972, 7. 12001; "Though including

" Jewish Encyclopedia. 1901. I

Church. From the liturgies of both faiths, four paired examples have been
chosen, all of which adhere to typically horizontal patterns of logogenic
recitative. The Yemenite psalmody. "Whose glory is set above the
heavens" (Ex. E£?7 is almost identical, in solemnity of tone, to the
Catholic Communion response, "Praise ye the Lord" (Ex. 1 b).38 The
Laudatory Moroccan cry, "Ascribe unto the Lord the glory due unto His
name; worship the Lord in the beauty of holiness" (Ex. Ic),39 is echoed in
the Invitatory of the Roman Mass, "Praise ye the God of Heaven; praise
Him in the highest" (Ex. Id).40

Synagogal sanctification responses in West-European style, "Holy,
Holy, Holy... Blessed be the glory of God from His place"(Ex. Ie), 41 are
musically parallel to those of the Sanctus for Easter Day, just as they are so
textually: "Holy is God, the Lord of Hosts.. .Blessed be He that cometh"
(Ex. If).42 Lastly two philosophical statements are juxtaposed, widely
divergent in their respective theological viewpoints and yet remarkably
alike in their musical mode of expression. The East-European study hall
chant is excerpted from a rabbinical discussion on the purpose of man's
existence: "The world is sustained only by the breath of schoolchildren at
their study of Torah" (Ex. Ig).43 The Christological Preface to the Solemn
Easter Mass places the epicentrum of its universe over the Crucifixion:
"World without end.. .on this day was sacrificed our.. .Passover.. .the true
lamb who has taken away the sins of the world"(Ex. Di),44 but sings of the
event in tones reminiscent of the Talmudic passage. Coincidentally, the
Jewish focus is here also upon the primacy of those without sin, i.e.,
children, over adults who have sinned, even scholars. Dogmatic
differences and similarities aside, however, an obvious sincerity rings true
in both traditions.

In short, second-temple psalmody was a free vocal rendition of sacred
prose texts. Its latter-day counterpart is the prayer chant still heard in
traditional synagogues, whose worship service is successor to the old
sacrificial rites: "May the utterances of our lips replace the offering of
bullocks."45 Heir to the Levitical singer is the synagogue precentor, called

"Idelsohn, loldol, op. cit., p. 235.
™The Libs- Vsualis, ed. Benedictionsof Solesmes Abbey, Tournai, Belgium. New York DescleeetCie..
1956, p. 781.

"Idelsohn, toldol. p. 236 (Ps.29:2).

"»Ibid.,p. 239.

"Levine. Joseph A. Emunai Abba, the
Weisgal. Baltimore: The Baltimore Hebrew

" Liber Usualis.p.ii.

" 3 Weisgal, Abba Yosef. Shirei HayyimVe-emunah. Baltimore: n.p., 1950, p. 121.

"Liberb'sualis.p. 8.

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41

hazzan or cantor. His musical recitation of the prayers stands in direct line
with the Levites, who "entered to speak in song"46 over the daily whole-
offering in the service of the house of God. Speech-in-song is still implied
in the Yiddish vernacular approbation of a skilled hazzan; zager or sayer.47

The Book of Psalms has been the well from which the cantor drank as
he raised his voice to God, in earlier centuries, as in our day.48 His
psalmodically-inspired chant derived from the balanced strophes of
Biblical Hebrew and was applied to the oldest stratum of synagogue
prayer, already established by the Mishnaic era. It also entered the liturgy
of early Christianity as plainsong: "When ye come together, every one of
you hath a psalm. "49

The first Christians paraphrased the style of psalms textually and, no
doubt, melodically as well. 50

Great and marvelous are Thy works,

Lord God Almighty:
Just and true are Thy ways,

Thou King of Saints.
Who shall not fear Thee,

And glorify Thy name?

For Thou alone art holy;
All nations shall come

And worship before Thee;
For Thy judgments are made manifest.51

Each line in the foregoing passage from the New Testament may be
traced to various psalms in the Hebrew Bible.

How great are Thy works,

Lord!
The beginning of Thy word

is truth.
Thy faithfulness is in the

assembly of Saints.
A God feared of all them

that are round about Him.

ginah b'yisrael. N

«Mishna

.hTamid

. 5.6.

3 2 HarriS '

Hyman r

). toldoi,hnnng

**Wagnei

r, Peter. "Ursprungund
sche Melodienl. Freiburg

'"Kraeling, Carl r
Wellesz. London: 0:

rfor^Unlvsrs'lt

,"itiNew Oxford History of Mus

And they shall glorify

Thy name,

For thou art God alone.
All nations whom Thou hast made

shall come and worship Thee.
All Thy judgments are manifestly faithful. 51

Since the only close contact between Christianity and Judaism was at
an early period, the likelihood is that Christianity accepted the psalm
texts, along with their classical singing style, during antiquity. 53

Hebrew sources have perpetuated the myth that the song which
the Levites sang in the temple has long been forgotten; perhaps in
order to deny its precious heritage to the gentiles. Particularly was
this felt to be necessary in the case of Christianity, which openly
proclaimed itself as heir to the temple psalmody. It is, after all, no
secret that Jewish psalms have been the cornerstone of worship in
the church ever since its inception. 54

The above statement by Abraham Zvi Idelsohn, a pioneer of Jewish
musicological research, echoed the consensus of Christian scholarship as
well. Peter Wagner opened his great work on Gregorian chant as follows:

The first and oldest stratum of singing in the church was
psalmody. The psalms are the heritage bequeathed to early
Christianity by Judaism... This treasure shall continue to serve
as the frame upon which are stretched the strings of sacred
music for all generations to come... The function of the psalms
was already evident in Jewish worship, which in many ways
served as a model for Christianity. 5 5

The term, psalmody, eventually came to define the rendition of any
text after the manner in which psalms were sung. 56 A natural heritage of
the temple's Levitical practice, "psalmody constituted a nucleus around
which the new synagogal chant evolved. "57 It is used by the present writer
in this sense; as a universal standard against which the phrasal
arrangement of modern synagogue recitative may be measured.

"Psalms: 92.6; 119.160; 89.6 ,8,; 86.9-10; 1 19.86.

"Avenary, Hanoch, s.v. "Psalms. Musical Rendition. "Encyclopedia Judaica, 1972, vol. 13, 1328-33.

i4 Idelsohn,/o/i/or, op. cit, p. 222, tr. J.L.

"Wagner, Ursprung.loc. cit., tr. J.L.

"Eric Werner. Sacred Bridge, op. cit.. p. 26; earlier, he had used "psalmody" to designate "a musical
rendition of sacred lexis in public worship"; "Preliminary Notes for a Comparative Study of Catholic
and Jewish Musical Punctuation," Hebrew Union College Annual, vol. XV. Cincinnati: 1940, p. 335.

"Werner. Eric, S.V. The Music of Post Biblical Judaism," in New Oxford History of Musicl. op. cit.,
p. 313.

ADATH J ESHURUN / TO RAH READING ACADEMY

Charles Davidson

The Torah Reading Program at Congregation Adath Jeshurun

What is it?

The Torah Reading Academy is an organized group of approximately
370 Torah Readers, all children in the Religious School or from our
congregation, aged 10-20 years of age. This group conducts the Torah
readings during the year on Shabbatot, Weekdays, Shalosh R'galim. On
the High Holidays, adult members of the Congregation conduct the Torah
readings.

How did it start?

As in most congregations, we always were able to find several talented
and interested young men who showed an aptitude for reading Torah. For
many years our congregation has not had the services of a professional
Baal K'riyah. In the 1960's, the Torah was read by one or two young men
from the congregation who were paid for their readings. They were aided
by the Rabbi and one or two lay men, on a rotating basis. In 1969,
recruitment gathered together 5 young men into a loosely organized Torah
Reading Club headed by a Leader, charged with their development. In
1970, 15 additional boys were recruited on the basis of Hebrew reading
and vocal ability.

In 1971, the idea was advanced through the Congregation's
professional staff that boys not be permitted to read Torah on the day of
the Bar Mitzvah unless they had made some sort of commitment to the
synagogue in terms of synagogue attendance and Torah Reading study.
Discussions continued in the School and Divine Services Committees and
in 1973 it was decided that in order to read Torah on the day of Bar
Mitzvah. it would be necessary for children to have been Torah Readers
for a minimum of two years. In 1972 the Torah Reading Program was well
under way with 33 Advanced Readers, 26 Beginning Readers, 3 Torah
Club Leaders and 3 Assistant Leaders.

How is it Organized?

The program is coordinated by a Torah Reading Academy Principal
who is responsible to the Cantor. In the immediate past year, 1980-81, the
Principal and his Administrative Assistant directed 20 Torah Reading

Charles Davidson has been the Haztzan of Adath Jeshurun Congregation of Philadelphia for almost two

decades. A L'raduate of the University of Pittsburgh. Lastman School of Music and the Cantors Institute of the
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, ire has won reantnilion turd distinction as tin innovative and
dedicated haizan, anarrestingandleadingcomposer of syn o ue mu icand the | I

Clubs, 20 Leaders and 17 Assistant, and approximately 370 Torah
Readers.

How Does the Program Actually Work?

1. Assignment of Portions.
In May of each year, the Principal draws up a luach of Torah Readings for
the year beginning with Tishri, specifying Hertz and Tikkun page
numbers, verses and aliyot for each Shaharit L'Shabbat, Minha
L'Shabbat, Monday and Thursday, Festivals and Fast Days. He also
indicates the Torah Leader responsible for those specific readings. This
luach is duplicated and distributed to the Synagogue staff and to all Torah
Leaders and Assistants. It is the subsequent function of the Torah Leaders
then to assign specific verses and dates to the children who will be in their
Club group in the Fall. The names of those readers are given by the Torah
Reading Academy Principal to the Executive Director of the Synagogue
who sees that weekly listings of Torah Readers are given to the Rabbi and
Cantor so that they are aware of the readings and their assignments.

2.Torah Club Classes.
Torah Reading Clubs meet each Shabbat Morning. Children are expected
to be in Services by 9:30 a.m., to participate in Shacharit, to hear the
Torah portion of the Week and to leave the Sanctuary before the chanting
of the Haftarah, proceeding from there to the Religious School wing of
our building where they study in assigned classrooms from approximately
10:50 to 1 1:40. In these classes the Leaders review and teach the trop and
the grammar of the cantillation systems using Pinchas Spiro's text
"Chanting the Haftarah" and assigning portions of Torah for common
review and study in class. Leaders use games and other techniques in
teaching which are discussed during the year at periodic teachers-training
sessions held with the Principal of the Academy. Specific help with
individually assigned portions is also done during these morning sessions
with the Assistant being available to work with children in a corner of the
room or in the hall. The Principal of the Academy uses this time to visit
different classrooms, to observe and to help.

His Administrative Assistant is utilized at these times to listen to all
Torah Readings which are projected over the next two weeks. He is
located in a separate room with an open Sefer Torah and Leaders
responsible for the forthcoming reading bring their students to that room
to chant without vowels, as they will be expected to during the coming
Mondays, Thursdays and Shabbatot. The Administrative Assistant
corrects when necessary and also must use discretion in declaring that a
reader is not well prepared enough to read that portion publicly. In that
event, the Torah Leader assumes responsibility for the portion.

Following the Class Sessions, all Torah Readers, their Leaders and

1.5

Assistants go to a separate Auditorium where they chant Musaf together.
Following this Service they join the Adult Congregation for Kiddush.

3. Checking by telephone.

In addition to Classes on Shabbat Morning, Torah Readers are called by
their Leaders during the week to check on their individual portions over
the phone. The average leader with a class of between 9-12 children will
spend about three hours on the phone each week.

4. Training of Leaders and Assistants: The metamorphosis of a cadre.
A specially prepared book "Manual for Torah Leaders and Assistants"
describes the function of the Clubs, the pleasures and responsibilities
involved, and lists, step by step, procedures recommended for assigning
and practicing parts, a schedule and lesson plan for classwork, games and
other techniques for teaching and reviewing trop and general aims of the
program. During the year, the Principal of the Torah Reading Academy
conducts In- Training sessions with the help and advice of the Educational
Director. These meetings are sometimes dinner sessions with pizza and
hoagies and are fun for all.

5. New Torah Readers.

Each year between 20 and 30 new Torah Readers are added to the
program. Parents of all children enrolled in Grade 4 (Bet) in the Religious
School are asked to urge their children to become Torah Readers. It is
made very clear, at this time, that only those children who are in the
Program may read Torah at their Bar/ Bat Mitzvah. Hebrew reading up to
grade level and attendance at Sabbath Morning Services are specific
requirements. Beginning in September, the First- Year Torah Readers
begin classes.

" Vayomer Adonai" 'is used as the basis for teaching the trop in class as
well as the home use of a commercial cassette made for our general use in
the Synagogue. The system used is the Lithuanian-Palestinian mode of
chanting as taught at the Seminary as instituted by its first instructor in
Biblical cantillation, Solomon Rosowsky.

On Shabbat Hanukkah these new Torah Readers are "installed" at a
special Dedication Ceremony conducted by the Rabbi at which time they
chant publicly, as a class, for the first time. Their Leaders then assign them
specific portions for Minha L' Shabbat beginning with the month of
February. When these children do read for the first time in an actual
service, their parents are given the aliyah and again, words of encour-
agement and praise are specifically directed to them by the Rabbi.

6. Retention and percentage of Readers.

The retention rate of Torah Readers is better than 95% through the 12th

grade in High School. Of the Religious School's potential population in
the Weekday and High School Departments of 439, approximately 82%
read Torah on a regular basis.

How is the Program Funded?

The Congregation's budget includes a special item called "Torah
Readers Academy". The fixed items in this line include a salary for the
Torah Academy Principal and the Administrative Assistant, as well as
variable token salaries to the Club Leaders, which depend upon the
number of children in their individual Club. When calculating the amount
of money needed to sustain a program of this nuature it would be
advisable to multiply the number of children involved by $25.00. Our
Congregation's annual contribution to this important program is
approximately $8,000.

What are the Benefits?

The benefits to the Congregation and to Judaism are incalculable.
Children study Torah and Torah Chanting. They attend services. They
feel that they are contributors to the system rather than auditors. They
participate in a very valuable manner to the ongoing function of the
Services. They are given Adult responsibility and they are aware of it. The
Torah Reading Program is self-generative. The new Torah Reader
becomes the assistant and then the Leader and in turn is supplanted by the
next "Generation" of readers. Torah Reading tools are not easily
forgotten and in many cases enable the High School aged Torah Reader to
become the Torah Reader in college and beyond, into adult life.

In terms of actual benefits to the Religious School, Torah Reading
and its requirements and qualifications, have encouraged many children
to improve in their Hebraic and general studies in order to be admitted to
the program. It has also given added incentive to the Leadership qualities
of many young people who have found outlets for themselves in the
program, (camaraderie - trips to "Great Adventure" for leaders, yearly
Torah Readers' Picnic)

In terms of Adult interest in Torah Reading, the program has recently
expanded to include the assignment of Adult Readers in the general Torah
Reading luach for the year through Clubs which now meet twice each
month and which are guided by Adult Torah Leaders.

From the Religious School's Perspective:

Any religious school to be successful must be multi-dimensional. It
must convey the skills of Judaism. It must teach the love of Jewish life and
practice. It must provide students with role models of Jewish commitment.
It must incorporate the day-to-day learning of Hebrew with the excitement
of social and group activities.

47

At Adath Jeshurun one of the most successful aspects is the Torah
Reading Adademy. In skill terms, it has taught hundreds of children and
adults how to read Torah, so that each time the Torah is read in the
Synagogue it can be chanted correctly and properly.

But the Torah Program does more than convey this one skill. It brings
many students into the Synagogue to enjoy the Shabbat Morning Service.
It gives students the opportunity to know each other in a context more
relaxed than the regular Religious School. It gives them a chance to know
and work with some A. J. students a few years older than them. The Torah
Reading Academy makes Shabbat Morning a special experience.

As Director of Religious Education. I am privileged to work closely
with its leaders and its students. Torah Reading adds a wonderful
dimension to a many-dimensional school program.

Rabbi Arthur Ruberg

The College Student as Torah Reader

After several years of reading Torah at A. J., I went off to college.
With one semester behind me to get my feet wet in academia, I wanted to
start reading again. Since then, I continued reading occassionally at a
small New England shul and now find myself reading on a regular basis
while in graduate school in St. Louis. The observations which I will be
making here are the result of my experiences in continuing Torah reading
into college and beyond and are meant to address three questions: Where
does one read? When does one find the time to read? Why read Torah in
college at all?

Where

Chances are, most of your experience in reading Troah has been at
your home shul. You will find that a few options for reading are available
to you in college, among which are reading at a synagogue and at services
sponsored by the campus Hillel. Something to keep in mind when
considering reading at a synagogue is that each may differ with respect to
its particular customs. For example, many conservative shuls read the
entire portion on Shabbat morning, in whichcase the aliyot will obviously
be considerably longer than those from a portion beginning with hamishi
on Shabbat. It is also possible that the synagogue has a Torah reading
program of its own and your opportunities to read (at least at certain
times) may be limited. A good way to get to know the traditions of the
synagogue is really the most obvious-becoming acquainted with the rabbi
and the cantor. From my experience, they will welcome you and your
ability with open arms.

The second opportunity for reading is at Hillel. Services tend to be
slightly less formal with emphasis on group participation, and different

types of services may be available. For example, in St. Louis I participate
in the "Egalitarian Minyan" in which men and women participate on an
equal basis. An orthodox minyan is also available for those who prefer. I
should point out that both in synagogue and Hillel reading you need not
commit yourself to an entire portion. One or two aliyot will do just fine.
Try to read frequently, though, since the more you practice, the easier it
becomes to prepare future portions.

When

Admittedly, one of the biggest challenges in reading Torah in college
(and after) is finding the time to prepare. I've always managed to set aside
some time for reading, though, in establishing my priorities. The time you
choose really depends on your study habits. For example, I've found it
convenient to look over my part before leaving my apartment in the
morning and for a bit after dinner before beginning my studying for the
evening.

Why

Probably the most important reason that I've found, at least for
myself, in continuing Torah reading is the important role which a young
person plays in his or her capacity as a reader. These roles can be classified
into two types, depending upon the group in which you are participating.
At Hillel, where community participation is stressed, you are helping to fill
a gap which is almost always there. After all, the more readers per service,
the less each reader must prepare. I see the role of the reader in the
synagogue in a slightly different context. There, in a more family oriented
environment, the college student Torah reader is at once performing a
service to the congregation, as at Hillel, but also acts as an important role
model for the younger members. When they see that others beside the
shamus and an occasional bar mitzvah boy can read Torah, the experience
becomes more accessable to them, encouraging their participation as well.
At the other end of the generational scale, the older members get a sense of
joy at listening to a young person read what is difficult to explain, but is so
very real in the "yasher koah" at Kiddush. In essence, you are showing
them that the tradition of Torah reading will not die. Tied in with all of
this, of course, is that your reading is a marvelous way to meet people.

In your ability to read Torah and your experience at A. J. you carry
with you into college a skill which few other people possess. The emphasis
at A. J. is in the precision of rendering in pronunciation, accents, and trop.
I have encountered few other people who read with the exactness with
which we have been ingrained. Be prepared to be in demand, bu take on
only what you think you can handle at a given time. Overall, I have found
my reading to be a marvelous experience for the sense of belonging which
it imparts and for the service which it performs. It's a habit worth
developing. Elliot P. Cowan

BOOKREVIEW

Max Wohlberg

"ENCOUNTERSOFEASTAND WEST IN MUSIC" by Hanoch Avenary
Department of Musicology, Tel Aviv University 1979. 207 pages

The eminent author of this impressive volume - he formerly wrote
under the name of Herbert Loewenstein - belongs in the Pleiade of our
foremost musicologists. In the bibliography of his publications up to 1979,
appended to the 17 essays presented here, 122 items (mostly in German,
Hebrew and English) are listed.

The reader cannot help but be impressed by the author's wide
interests, vast knowledge and keen insight. Invariably he pursues every
avenue in order to validate a thesis. Scrupulous adherence to the tenets of
truth is in constant evidence and scientific objectivity is manifest
throughout. Thus, considerable knowledge and a more informed view
await the patient reader.

In "Hydraules and Choreaules": A Chapter of Jewish Relations To
Hellenistic Music Culture the author points to the prominent role of music
in Hellenistic civilization and throughout the Near East and its influence
on Jewish scholars and musicians. The words "Hydraules, Choreaules,"
the author succeeds in showing, ceased to refer to specific instruments but
became rather general musical terms. On the road of developing his thesis
he touches on a number of striking elements in diverse cultures and
literatures.

"Flutes for a Bride or a Dead Man" is a fascinating investigation of
the flute, its nature, charm, symbolism and its place in ritual. During this
far-ranging investigation telling references are culled from biblical,
Talmudic as well as numerous non-Jewish sources. As is the case with
practically all articles in this learned volume, exhaustive notes and sources
are provided.

Hieronymus' Epistel iiber Die Musikinstrumente und ihre Altost-
lichen Quellen while dealing in the main with proper identification of
ancient instruments touches, in passing, on the history of medieval church
fathers, evidences remarkable familiarity with both Talmudic and Patristic
literature and shows admirable acumen in finding relevance in the Dead
Sea Scrolls. Multilingual references are applied to puzzling Daniel 3:5-7 in
the process.

Pseudo-Jerome Writings And Qumram Traditions is tangentially
related to the subject above. Here again, Avenary, with penetrating

insight, links the Qumram tradition to those of an earlier period and traces
a continuous relationship.

The Northern And Southern Idioms of Early European Music

A New Approach to An Old Problem is the result of a project
undertaken at the Musicology Department of Tel Aviv University under
the author's direction. It contains exciting revelations regarding modes
and scales with particular attention to pitch, range, frequency of notes,
their proximity to one another, the kinetic or static reiterative quality of
the tonal character, etc. It also alludes to comparisons between Gregorian
and old-Roman chants and pinpoints the differences between the melodic
motives of southern and trans-Alpine (northern) people. While this
thoroughly fascinating study does not deal directly with Jewish music, its
relevance to it is obvious. It points to an appropriate method of study and
analysis surely applicable to our music.

The Concept of Mode in European Synagogue Chant is an analysis of
the Adonai Malakh mode(shteiger). With keen insight and wise words the
author comments on the extent of influence exerted by biblical cantillation
and on the "ethos" of the modes. While the author is liberal in his
examples, somewhat greater amplification would have been helpful. Thus,
for example, emphasis on penultimate motifs, on the dominant below the
tonic, on customary modulations, on practice in Eastern Europe would
have offered a more complete picture.

The Experience of Nature and Scenery in Israeli Song deals primarily
and wisely with the melodic aspects of the subject. The examples provided
are apt and to the point.

Formal Structure of Psalms and Canticles in Early Jewish And
Christian Chant has much to say about the responsorial form of
synagogue chant. It also makes us aware of Avenary's wide interests and
far-reaching expertise. The serious student will be helped by four pages of
texts and digests appended to the article.

Genizah Fragments of Hebrew Hymns And Prayers Set To Music is

devoted to three musical examples dating from the 12th century. Among
these is the celebrated Mial Hat Horev of Obadiah the proselyte, whose
brief biography is also supplied. Detailed comparisons are offered of the
three manuscripts and much information regarding them is enclosed.
Interested readers should also keep in mind the views of Eric Werner,
Israel Adler and N. Allony. This article is followed by a brief but
illuminating exposition: The Interpretation of the Music Notation of
Ovadya the Proselyte. Here the problems facing the musical transcribers
are aired and their solutions justified.

51

The Earliest Notation of Ashkenazi Bible Chant deals with the
Amman manuscript of about 1511 which surpasses in detail and clarity
other notations of cantillations, such as the one of Reuchlin-Boeschen-
stein. The latter, it seems, was the teacher of Amman, a Christian Hebraist
and grammarian, who incidentally corresponded with Hazzan Naftali
Herz Treves. Avenary includes a complete transcription of this manuscript
as well as abundant comparative notes throwing a great deal of light on
this intriguing subject.

The Hasidic Nigun, Ethos and Metos of a Folk Liturgy is an attempt
at a definition of an elusive and involved subject, The examples offered are
insufficient for a comprehensive appreciation of a multicolored repertoire.
However, the author's introduction to hasidism and his elucidation on the
nigun are excellent.

In Der Einfluss der Judischen Mystik auf den Synagogengesang the

author points to an intimacy of mysticism with music in religious
movements in general and in Judaism in particular. This is especially so
since the emergence of hasidism. Quoting from the Talmud and the Zohar,
the author maintains that unlike Christianity, in Judaism human song has
priority before God. He also emphasizes the preference of piety over
esthetics, the freedom to choose foreign tunes (unless used for church
service) and the idea of tikun (corrction) of a nigun. Finally, he reminds us
that kavanah means preparation as well as intent. The essay is concluded
with pertinent comments regarding the three types of hasidic songs: with
words, without words and with meaningless syllables.

The "MoazZur" Tune. New Contributions to its History does indeed
provide new insight into a fairly popular subject. The views of Ed.
Birnbaum (who showed the tune's connection to a Lutheran hymn), A.Z.
Idelsohn and Eric Werner are duly noted and additional material is
offered for study and comparison. It is good to be reminded that this is not
the only tune used for this text.

Gentile Songs as a Source of inspiration for Israel Najara discusses
the poems of Najara (first collection published in 1587, Safed) and clearly
shows their remarkable relation to Turkish, Spanish or Arabic songs of
the day. This relationship includes general structure, number of syllables,
use of consonants, aping of vowels as well as retention of basic ideas
suitably altered. The names of the original tunes are given and their meter
and rhythm are retained.

"Ich Befehl MeinSeel" Eine Studie Zur JedenDeutschenVolks-
dichtung lies in the realm of folklore. It is a charming essay on a delightful
300 year old poem which used to be recited by "women and maidens"
before retiring. It is, of course, reminiscent of the German: "Mude bin ich,
geh zur Ruh" and the English: "Now I Lay Me Down to Sleep." After

eliminating subsequent accretions, the author gives the enchanting
skeleton of five verses echoing b'yadkha afkidruhi. Incidentally, the Adon
Olam also consists of five verses.

History of Music: Towards An Israeli Design of Academic Instruction

serves as an Epilogue. "This article reflects much of the atmosphere
prevailing in Israeli musicology during the early fifties. It here represents a
sort of historic recollection and, at the same time, a tribute to the memory
of Leo Kestenberg."

The author, it seems to me, justifiably questions whether western
views on music and the historical attitude of 19th century Central Europe
are relevant to Israel. He poses problems of analysis, identification,
priority and attitude and explores the subsidiary roles assigned to
Ethnology, archeology, folklore and prehistoric research. He looks
hopefully forward to a "Jeruselum History of Music".

In a warm preface to this volume, Professor H. Shmueli, Dean of the
Faculty of Arts at Tel Aviv University, expresses the wish that Professor
Avenary will enjoy many more years of academic endeavor.

The reader, as no doubt others, voices a wholehearted Amen.

MUSIC SECTION

"A Song Collection for Kindergartens and Nursery Schools"
by M. Shalit, Petrograd, 1918.

J'B

SML J 4 ^ ^C JML

From the Foreword

The decision to create a series of songs which would be suited to the
needs of young Jewish children was prompted by the appearance, over the
last several years, of a growing number of Jewish kindergartens and
nursery schools.

One can judge the need for such a collection from the many inquiries
we have had for such songs recieved by the "Society for Jewish Folk
Music" and by individual Jewish musicians-composers from hundreds of
teachers in the above-mentioned

I hope that the teachers, men and women, who will sing these songs
with their children will call my attention to the shortcomings or errors in
this collection which are sure to occur as they do in every first attempt.

I am grateful to the "Society of Jewish Folk Music" and to the
members of '" Mefitzey Haskalah", (disseminaters of culture) for their help
in editing and publishing this collection, especially to the members of the
specially appointed editorial board: Y. Okun, Sh. Ginzberg, Z.
Kalmanovich, M. Rudnitzki and M. Rivesman.

I also extend my warmest thanks to my other musician-colleagues
who were especially helpful with their suggestions.

M. Shalit

FRILING. I.

In Kinderhejm. 1.

klejn.schejn fej - ge _ _ le „Tschik, tschi _ rik,

"$f -

'» j J' m i i i i i i J - -^

tschik, tschi _rik!" macht dos fej _ ge ]e,

„ tschik, tschLrik, tschik, tschLrik!'' macht dos fej . ge le

Bruderl un Schwesterl. 2.

EJNER (Solo.)

Frisch an nit gehajlt. (Moderato.)

Pejssach. 3.

Frehlach. (Allegretto.) w

ka _sches wejs ich, fregt mich chotsch fun schlof!

Chad gad jo. 4.

Frehlach. (Allegretto.)

chad gad _ _ jo, chad gad _ _ jo!

A schpazir lid. 5.

Munter. (Marsch.)

un zwej, wi a . fo _ wn tret un geh!

Dos Gertendl.

Lebedig. (Allegretto.)

^m

Oj, ich wel a frejd der -le _ bn,

ot a _ sej, ota_ sej, !o_mir

Dos tajbele worket . 8

ruft: „sehteht uf, kin_der lich_iig un frisch is di luft!"

Amorgn lid. 9.

Frisch. (Allegretto.

SUMER. II.

Greselach un Elimelaeh. 10.

Frehlach nn glch. (Allegro.)
' pe -

rnor., gn lo_mir daw_nen i _ nej nem. nem

Der kukuk. 11.

„Ku_ ku, ku_ku, ku. ku!" der ku-kuk ruft in wald,

kin _ der, kin _ der, gi.cher, mir ge-hen a _ le bald.

Schwuejs. 12.

Lebedig. (Allegretto.)

wa _ ri _ me teg, gre _ se _ lach, blu .

su_mer is ge ku-men, su-mer is ge _ ku-men.

14.

Munter. (Marsch.)

Es regnt. 15.

Gich. (Allegro.)

ejb s'is nas, s'is a mcha_je, kin _ der _ lach!

Kumt der liber sumer. 16.

cha _ pn mir, grej _ sse lo _ sn min gehn.

Got, got, gib aregn. 17.

Mill messig. (Allegretto.)

Got, got, gib a _ re _ gn, fun di klej _ ne

nit kajn bi _ si, nor a _ f u . le schi _ si.

Korn-blimelach. 1 8

Lebedid. (Allegro.)

fra _ jen feld klaj _ bn ko _ rn bli _ me _ lach.

BERBST. HI.

Ssukes. 19.

macht. ho_bn mir ge _ macht. Ch'hob mit maj _ ne

sej ge _ tracht, un a _ scj ge _ tracht.

Sorele un ihr lalkele. 20.

Nit gezejgn. (Andantlno.)

. ke _ le, a _ toch _ te _ rl

Amol is gewen ajingele. 21.

Mill messig. (Allegretto.!

schti _ fe _ rl, oj, a _ schti _ fe _ rl!

dos is doch a_ wun _ der, dos is doch

Dos kind im dos fejgele. 23.

„Wer wet sej e _ sn?" ich mit dir!

Dos fligele. 24.

Lebedtg. (Allegro.)

ch'lach fun wint un kelt.

Kumt afejgele zuflihen. 25.

Frehlach. (Allegretto.

fkj ge _ le zu fli

te in schno_ bl fun der

WINTER. IV.

Hoi) ich gehat afeter Idele. 26.

Frisch. (Allegretto.)

„tra _ la _ la _ la _ la," macht dos fi _ de _ le.

Kejft, kejft, kejnim! 27.

Rufend, nit gehajlt. (Allegretto.

)

Kejft, kejft. kej _ nim, ich

V

hob

ajch zu far

kej

_ fn a _ fer _ de le, a _

, V

we

_ ge _ le ejf

raj

tn un ejf lej fn, a _

fer

. de_ le, a

. de _le ejf raj _ tn un ejf iej _ fn.

Der winter. 28.

Lebedig. (Allegro.) ,.

schwar_ ze kroh: „kra_ kra _ kra! ich hob ha _ noh!"

Chanuke. 29.

Lebedig. (Allegretto.)

_ le gi _ bn hajnt cha _ nu _ ke gelt.

Awig-lid. 30.

Rnhig. (Andante.

-JL

sajn ge _ sund dajn ke _ pe le.

Der Winter. 31.

Frehlach. (Allegro.)

schneh schit un schit, mir' sit _ zn in

sit _ zn in zi_ mer un sin _ gen a _ lid.

Purim
Frehlaeh. (Allegro.)

ke, ot bald wet dir we _ rn hejs un kalt...

KINDER-SPILN. V.

Ejns,zvej,draj. 33.

Gich. nor nit gehajlt. (Allegro ma non troppo.)

zi _rl, pe _rl, duks a _ rujs, duks a _ rujs!

Jngele, uru schtehstu? 34.
Mill messlg. (Allegretto.) y

„Jn» ge-le, wu schteh _ stu?"„ejf a -bank!"

_v_

„Jn _ ge _ le, to chap Ze dos fej ge _ le!

chap, chap, chap, dos fej _ g e _ le chap

Jn aklejner schtibele. 35.

Frehlach. (Allegro.)

mit a _ sej _ ne kep, mit fl _ sej _ ne hor,

No _ sn, fun Ejg me _ lech Ha _ bo _ schn...

fl If ■

V

J _ nej _ nem, kin _ der,

schpi _

V

In

mir, i

nej _ nem, kin. der, tan_ zn rr

p

nej_

nem, kin _ der,

Fun on fang.

sin _ gen mir, wos?

li _ de _ | e! D.C.

Schajn, schain, sunele! 36.
FraJ an lustlg. (Allegro.) u

ejns, zwej, draj, sajt wi di fej _ ge_lech fraj _ fraj!

Arod.
Frehlach. (Allegretto.)

Jn_ge_lach un mej _ de_ lach, tanzt a_ rod tin

dreht sich uj _ sset, Jn.ge _ lach un mej-de_lach

ife

w p p I n i I i\ j> ^

tanzt a _ rod un dreht sich uj _ sset.

Bale-mloche5. 38.

Lnstig. (Allegretto

schpil fun

le mlo > ches.

Hop, hop, hop! 39.

Schnel. (Allegro.)

Hv, hop, hopl fer_dl,barg a _ rop,

■H k K . . h h L L V |

s'is kurz _

traj _ tog

ajl

sich

un _

ter,

V

schpring ze,

fer _ dl,

frej _

lach,

mun _

ter,

s'is schejn scha.bes bald, fer. dl, schteh nit, gwald!

Atanz-lid. 40.

Nit gezejgn. (Moderato.)

is doch gor nit schwer.

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